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On Inequality

04 Sep 2006 12:56 pm

I don't think the case Sebastian Mallaby makes here against public policy measures aimed at increasing unionization makes very much sense, especially since he himself concedes that "the case for unionization appears better than it has in a generation." Nevertheless, he's still quite right about what he says about taxes -- lurking beneath the mildly progressive structure of the income tax code is a series of shockingly regressive tax deductions. Eliminating or reforming them would be a good idea.

On inequality more broadly, I have a take vaguely along the lines of what Max Sawicky says here. The challenge isn't to try and devise some one specific good anti-inequality policy initiative. Probably there is no such initiative. Probably if you pushed hard enough on any one lever to singlehandedly reverse the trend, you'd break the machine. The decisive issue is one of political will. Were it the case that there was mass concern with inequality -- the fact that someone as rightwing as Mallaby is writing about the topic is a good sign -- then the dynamic would be different. How?

Well, simply put, if policymakers and opinion elites found it necessary to ask themselves what about inequality? every time they were thinking about an issue, then inequality could be combatted in dozens of different ways. As Mallaby suggests, we could eliminate the swiss cheese of deductions-for-the-rich in favor of a better tax code. But we could also have a more unionized workforce. We could also have higher top marginal tax rates. And didn't corporate governance schemes. And a higher minimum wage. More investment in training and infrastructure that are useful to the downscale. A trade policy that tried harder to create foreign competition for the goods and services that rich people produce. A copyright policy that cared more about the interests of consumers than the bottom line of existing companies. A monetary policy more favorable to workers and debtors than to employers and creditors.

You'd be talking about a lot of changes. Some of them might be very subtle. Probably no single change, on its own, would make an enormous difference. What would make an enormous difference would be a national commitment to making prosperity more broadly shared. Such a commitment would change lots of policies in different ways and all together it would make it difference. It would probably also make CEO's simply ashamed to pay themselves too much -- it would be bad for business to do so if companies with that kind of pay structure were regarded as shady.

There's a lot that could be done. The question is whether people really want to.

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Comments (18)

Excellent post. If someone as right wing as Matthew (in economic matters, although I grant that Matthew is in interesting ways all over the map here) is making the point, there is hope.

And didn't corporate governance schemes.

Yes, they did?

I agree (though I'm not sure what lies beneath the typo "And didn't corporate governance schemes" -- maybe "ditto"?). However, suppose a strategy like this were broadly successful, or seemed to be on the way to success. Then each of the individual policy items would be vulnerable to rightwing attack, on grounds of "fairness". ("Why should this training investment benefit blacks disproportionately -- after all, this chart shows that income mobility is increasing across the board!")

In other words, the "commitment to making prosperity more broadly shared" will have to be strong enough to persist even when the sharing seems to be underway.

"You'd be talking about a lot of changes. Some of them might be very subtle."

This is why I worship at the altar of Gene Sperling. His tenure in the last WH was marked by assiduous attention to the relevant subtleties.

"A trade policy that tried harder to create foreign competition for the goods and services that rich people produce."

Details, please?

Maybe outsourcing Tom Cruise's roles to a short, smug, Bangladeshi scientologist?

I mean, I know that he's not a stand-in for all rich people (only in Nozick land are all rich people superstars). But tell me what it is the most *genuine* rich people do, and how we're going to create foreign competition for *those* jobs?

(I'm not really convinced it is our job to "create" foreign competition in any case. Our trade policy is crazy in twenty-four directions, but I'm not sure that one would be a step back to sanity.)

"A trade policy that tried harder to create foreign competition for the goods and services that rich people produce."

This would be a really good title for a discussion all by itself.

Note (contra Kid B.) that we're not looking for 'genuine rich people' like Cruise, but ways of creating more competition in occupations in the $75,000 a year and up category especially for goods consumed by the poor or needed for social mobility. I'd start with importing more doctors and nurses and allowing all college tuition subsidies to be used abroad, but I am sure there are better ideas ...

otto's approach would of course screw poor people in other countries over since they would no longer have access to those doctors and nurses their society paid to train. I just don't see why the american poor has so much more of a right to high class medical care when someone (objectively, much more poor) in zimbabwe can only dream of even seeing a real nurse (to be fair, the EU and Britain in particular have done significant damage as well, especially in Africa).

That said, the college subsidy approach is interesting and I think has quite a bit of potential though I haven't really thought through the implications of it at all. Anyone have a link on some commentator who has examined it?

"Were it the case that there was mass concern with inequality..."

There's never been a mass concern with inequality per se. From a populist standpoint, people don't care how much their bosses make; they care how much they make themselves. And just about nobody believes that taking money away from the rich will make everybody else better off. (Granted, the rhetoric of populist campaigns, such as the unionization movement, often invokes inequality. But the agenda isn't greater equality; the agenda is, more for us.)

Every time a Democrat uses the word inequality, he hurts himself. "Inequality" implies the need for redistribution, and redistribution cuts too sharply against the grain of the American self-improvement myth. (And, yeah, there's the race thing.)

As a progressive, I'm all for class warfare. But if we want to succeed, we can't make it sound like class warfare. Talk about fairness (minimum wage), talk about security (health care for all), talk about how we're all in this together and everybody has to pull their weight (progressive taxation).

Hey Matt could you add reddit to your blog template so that we can reddit your articles?

Instructions below:
http://www.reddit.com

"A trade policy that tried harder to create foreign competition for the goods and services that rich people produce."

Meaning doctors, lawyers and bankers? Might be more helpful to the goal in mind to create more domestic competition for these, rather than foreign. Well, except lawyers, clearly.

One of the many things that I like about John Edwards is that he'll be able to develop, strengthen, and direct exactly this kind of political will.

"Probably if you pushed hard enough on any one lever to singlehandedly reverse the trend, you'd break the machine"

The Flint Sit Down Strike ...Gilliard with the appropriate Labor Day Post

Fuck the machine.

Maybe outsourcing Tom Cruise's roles to a short, smug, Bangladeshi scientologist?

I'm all for outsourcing the jobs of annoying, overpaid celebrities, but can we at least outsource them to hot foreign celebrities? Or even hot underexposed domestic celebrities?

What's all this talk about reducing regressive tax deductions?

The national savings rate is bad enough that even talk of eliminating savings incentives should be cautioned. It's true the rich save more because they have more to save, but also because saving money is partly what makes the rich, rich. If the middle class saved more money, then some of the common liberal economic bugaboos.

For instance, we wouldn't be so concerned about option ARMs if more folks would save up the proper downpayment to afford a 30 year fixed rate mortgage.

BobN -
I've got to say that people care deeply about what their bosses make. Union organizing 101 - cut worker's wages against what their boss makes and does with the money. "Could the owner afford to give up one of his trips to Africa on safari to give everyone a lousy cost of living increase for the first time in 3 years?"

The answer to that question from a worker is usually "Hell, yeah!" Then you've got yourself a union. People really hate for things to be unfair, which is where a lot of the psychological toll from inequality plays itself out. You can quibble about what's fair or unfair, but low wage workers will be crystal clear with you.

The height of political leadership would be to advocate the reduction or capping of mortguage interest deductions. In this era of overly wealthy home owners and overly large mortguages, it makes no sense.

Serious question-
I have read that the bottom 40% (the bottom two quintiles) in effect pay no taxes. If this is true, then any tax manipulation scheme has nothing to do with helping the 'poor.' Rather, its simply manipulating the tax rates among the top 60% (i.e. middle class and up). So, is it true? And if it is true, then am I not right about taxes? Or is the proposal to literally tax the rich more and give money to poor people (rather than reduce their tax burden, you basically just give them more money)?

Steve

Steve,

I think the people saying that the bottom 40% pay no taxes are deluded. Now people with kids and low-wage jobs do get significant income tax savings from the EITC and the child tax credit. Not everyone knows enough to claim it.

Also, they pay enormous taxes on sales and property taxes, which should never be forgotten in these discussions. If people focus too much on the federal income tax, which is at least vaguely progressive, they forget the regressive nature of many local and state taxes. These taxes are especially regressive in the states with absolutely no income tax, since they invariably have high (regressive) sales taxes.


Comments closed September 18, 2006.

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