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Two Foreign Policies! I Shudder...

09 Apr 2007 01:42 pm

Obviously, 98 percent of the things being said about Nancy Pelosi's trip to Syria are 98 percent disingenuous, but I have got some sense that some number of people have some level of genuine concern that it's bad for congress to be seen as having an "independent foreign policy" from the one the president is running. This is, I think, a mistake about the nature of the American system of government. I heartily agree that American-style separation of powers between the legislature and the executive is a bad idea and would gladly support a constitutional convention to provide us with a parliamentary form of government. That said, we have the government we have. The president gets fixed four-year terms independent of the congress, and the congress has authority distinct from the president's. Nancy Pelosi needs to discharge the duties of her office as they exist in the actual constitution.

Those duties give congress a gigantic role to play in foreign affairs. Congress, for example, sets the Pentagon's budget. And, of course, the Foreign Operations budget. Think we should help Indonesia set up a high-quality secular education system? Combat AIDS in Africa? Build a missile defense system? Waste less money on the Virginia Class submarine? Make aid to Pakistan conditional on moves toward democracy? Make a free trade agreement with South Korea? Secure authorization to maintain a gigantic military presence in Iraq? You need . . . congressional votes to do any of those things. And, obviously, those things are the very blood and guts of foreign policy. The president and the diplomats who work for him can negotiate anything they like, but nothing happens unless they can get congress to agree to it. These powers -- the power to pass laws, appropriate funds, ratify treaties, etc. -- aren't esoteric elements of congressional authority, they're the very essence of congressional authority.

Insofar as congress disagrees with the president about the desirability of foreign aid programs, military expenditures, treaties, trade pacts, etc. those things don't happen. Thus, the views of congressional leaders are of direct and immediate concern to foreignern leaders. Which is why foreign leaders are willing to talk to congressional leaders. There's no special rule about foreign policy that says it's somehow unfair for congress to get involved. It's true that this makes US policy less coherent than it might be, but coherence in that sense isn't one of the features of American political institutions. The Social Security Administration is, for example, currently run by an executive branch that thinks Social Security should be done away with. The program continues to exist because congress disagrees. And somehow the country goes on, day after day, without everyone needing to cry into their Washington Posts over breakfast.

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Comments (49)

Did you see Kenneth Baer's piece on this subject at TPM Cafe? A more thorough recycling of Republican talking points on this issue is hard to imagine. He was disappointed because he couldn't figure out how to link to the Post's loathsome editorial. I almost lost my breakfast.

Whoops, I just scrolled down to your post on Baer's post. Sorry about that.

This isn't totally right. Yes, Congress does have a very substantial foreign policy role, and no, nothing is particularly problematic with members of Congress meeting with foreign leaders, and yes, most of the objections raised to Pelosi's trip are at best several orders of magnitude too strenuous. But insofar as coherence of position is important for our ability to conduct diplomacy, whether the trip actually damages the ability to conduct future diplomacy should have been one factor that Pelosi took into account before going on the trip. Now, the fact that she consulted with the state department throughout the planning process suggests to me that she did adequately take it into account and didn't think it would be undercut, but if there really were a strict regime against contact with the Syrian government as part of a comprehensive diplomatic scheme, and Pelosi had disrupted it, that really would be objectionable.

washerdreyer:

"if there really were a strict regime against contact with the Syrian government as part of a comprehensive diplomatic scheme, and Pelosi had disrupted it, that really would be objectionable."

I think there is a Bush exception here. Yes, theoretically undermining the President's foreign policy is objectionable, but there are other considerations that more than trump that - Bush's foreign policy is undermining America. There should be of course, a high bar, a certain deference to the Office, but we are way past that point.

That's probably correct, and I don't think Pelosi did anything wrong anyway (because we weren't really isolating the Syrian government), it's just that some of the arguments in her defense, inluding I think this post, are going too far in the other direction.

washerdryer

Thanks for the info on DC. Otherwise:

"Bush's foreign policy is undermining America". How?

And why do you think that it wasn't US policy to isolate Syria? It was prior to the Hariri murder, and it went global after it.

True, but if people wanted a Congress that would follow the Bush line, they would have voted R in 2006. They didn't, largely over foreign policy in the Middle East. If you have a bad president in office and have a midterm election, the voters get to decide that Congress will be made up of people who will tell the prez to go fuck himself.

but if there really were a strict regime against contact with the Syrian government as part of a comprehensive diplomatic scheme,

Mmm. I'm not sure. She's can't make a treaty, but to the extent everything else is dependent on custom and events, then, sure, she should fold everything in, but she hasn't done anything not allowed. Nor, as I understand it, would she have done so if we had a strict executive regime against contact with the Syrians. And that sort of oblique set of requirements is probably the best way to leave it--she'll be bound by public opinion, her judgment of the craziness of the Executive, and the possible and foreseeable negative effects of her actions.

Perhaps that's all you're saying, but I don't think that depends on a "Bush exception."

It would be too bad if we didn't get out of Iraq soon. We need to be spending on issues that really matter such as global poverty. According to the Borgen Project, currently only .16% of our federal budget is spent on this important issue. Let's make a change!

The problem is not that there's two Syria policies, but that there's two Syria policies within the Executive branch. You've got the Rice policy of trying to avoid a war up against the Cheney policy of trying to start one. So Pelosi, working with State in order to de-escalate the situation, only annoys the OVP and Drudge.

If only there were somebody with the constitutional authority to resolve policy disagreements between State and OVP, there wouldn't be any confusion about what the Syria policy is supposed to be.

Besides the numerous examples of Congressional delegations, there's

The decision for the administration to ask Syria for permission for Sauerbrey's travel comes as US officials have also agreed to hold high-level talks with Iranian and Syrian officials during an upcoming international meeting on Iraq's future. President Bush had previously disallowed any direct talks with officials from the two nations, especially Iran. The United States has diplomatic relations with Syria, including a charge d'affaires at the embassy in Damascus; it has had no diplomatic relations with Iran since the 1979 Islamist revolution.

Unless you're fine with Newt threatening military action against China, or with Hastert telling Colombia to deal directly with him instead of the White House, you need to take a position that isn't quite this generous. Taken at face value, this post seems to leave plenty of room for those scenarios to repeat again and again.

SCMT- Having a norm where government officials sincerely believe that it's generally best to have one "person" empowered to negotiate improves our ability to accomplish thing by negotiation, I think. Arguments that such a norm doesn't (or shouldn't) exist are harmful. Such arguments are also un-needed to defend Pelosi.

Is anyone taking into account that the Syrian regime is terror supporting regime that oppresses it's own people as well as the Lebanese? Is that not relevant? Do you guys actually know what Syrian policy is?

And tim, the rat-f**king comment wasn't nice.

I believe whole heartedly that Pelosi would NOT do anything to undermine bush and his childish dealings [cough] such as they are with foreign leaders. No one could say the corollary with any degree of condifedence, that with a Democratic POTUS and a republican Congress that the republicans would not go out of their way to undermine the Democratic POTUS. In fact it is a certainty that republicans WOULD go out of their way to undermine a Democratic POTUS. (Clown Raygun undermining Carter with the Iranians in 1980 is exhibit no. 1.)

That said, where does that leave us: 1) democrats honoring a convention (of no one except POTUS speaking with foreign leaders) that republicans are certain NOT to honor, or 2) democrats saying F-U to the republican cultists and their US corporate media slaves in order to pursue the people's agenda that the current POTUS is clearly snubbing in favor of his personal demented means that has been rejected by most Americans.

I vote for the latter.
.

My point is, before I get smacked, is this type of debate doesn't exist in most regimes in the ME. Monkey.Dave makes a good point about two Syria policies.

One major problem with our Foreign Policy is the "multi-message" our government puts out.

Regimes like Syria, Iran, the PA, don't have these problems.

There is one party line and God forbid you show dissent or try to freelance.

"democrats saying F-U to the republican cultists and their US corporate media slaves in order to pursue the people's agenda that the current POTUS is clearly snubbing in favor of his personal demented means that has been rejected by most Americans."

OK. You are nuts. It's been nice trying.

As all the political philosophers have said, democracy tends to degenerate into dictatorship. Here in America, a few really great presidents were granted nearly dictatorial powers because they were great. Unfortunately, all the mediocre and moronic presidents started thinking they have the right to dictate policies too. Sorry dudes, but we haven't had a president who deserved that kind of power since FDR.

Ben Hur - Are you serious? Do you visit this website much? Bush is undermining America by spending vast sums of money on a hugely disastrous war in Iraq while screwing up foreign policy just about everywhere else that he can. You probably disagree with this assessment. But this is hardly the post to debate that issue.

Monkey.Dave - I'll live with the confusion. Because I'm afraid that if that person with the constitutional authority did resolve it, the result would be war.

Next time you come up from the buffet table for air I wonder if you can answer my challenge and actually outline what pelosi's trip accomplished apart from making the bint look an old fool.

w/d: Accepting, for the moment, everything else, I'm not sure how Pelosi is supposed to "negotiate" with the Syrians. She's not, I think, a potential choke point for any agreements between the US and Syria. I'm not sure how we distinguish what she has done from (a) whatever role the Swiss played in the back channel communication from the Iranians, (b) the situation in which a Syrian diplomat, or lobbyist in the pay of the Syrians, walks into her office to talk about foreign policy. It seems less, on the whole, than soon-to-be Reagan officials talking to Iranian officials about the hostage crisis prior to the 1980 election. (I think, but am not sure, that such allegations have been credibly made.)

"Do you visit this website much?"

No. It's my first time. And I meant to stay on because I thought there was non-conspiracy speak going on here and not the Koslike, "corporate media slaves" crap.

I don't agree that the end result of the Iraq war will be disasterous. I think that the voices of the Iraqis are being ignored.

Not the insurgents that are driven by a Sunna Shia rivalry that no one can end.

I mean the everyday Iraqis. I believe that they are grateful for our efforts.

Would I rather see them take their future into their own hands? Of course. Do I want every soldier home? Nobody in the history of world has ever answered that question with a "no." I even want them home from Germany, Japan, Korea, etc.

I see Bush's foreign policy, (in it's intention) as an extension of classic liberalism. The liberalism of Disraeli and Wilson's 14 points.

It fairly similar to why the US entered WWI. Not exclusively, but very much for the rights of peoples to self-rule, and the protection of minority rights.

Movements from our history, (or historical narrative, for you post-modernists) have passed the ME over.

Why what is good for us, not good for them?

One major problem with our Foreign Policy is the "multi-message" our government puts out. Regimes like Syria, Iran, the PA, don't have these problems. - Ben-Hur

It's interesting to see that you hold this wildly inaccurate view. Of the three governments you list, two have completely incoherent foreign policies torn between factions with very different interests and worldviews. The Palestinian Authority is unable to agree on basic elements of its foreign policy because it's currently run by a national-unity government composed of two factions, Fatah and Hamas, which have bitter disagreements over the nature of the state and relations with Israel. Fatah has recognized Israel's right to exist in secure borders; Hamas still theoretically insists on the illegitimacy of the Israeli state. So that government is sending the most mixed of all possible signals, all the time; and the head of its legislature, who is Hamas, conducts a foreign policy completely at odds with the foreign policy of its President, who is Fatah. Iran is riven to a lesser extent by divisions between its clerical bodies and Supreme Leader, who hold real power, and the government and President, who hold much less power; this has led to the developing rift over nuclear policy and foreign relations between Khamenei and Ahmadinejad.

Your anxiety on this issue says a lot about typical conservative psychological issues vis-a-vis the rest of the world -- a fear that they are united and steadfast, while we are weak, undecided and divided, which derives from and reinforces a tendency to view the rest of the world as "threat".

Let's imagine that hypothetically the U.S. had a policy of actually not talking to the members of some government (in anything even close to an official capacity, some back-channel talk is surely inevitable). Further we had this policy to achieve the goal of getting that government to do something, and it appeared the the effected government in fact disliked the fact that we wouldn't acknowledge it, and was considering what it could do to change that fact.

I want the United States government to have this option in its arsenal (for one thing, the government might think the alternative is to go to war in order to get whatver it is that it wants, and I'd like to avoid more of those). It doesn't really have this option if it can't expect a reasonable degree of uniformity among high level actors. Matt's post seems to suggest that there's little-to-no value to uniformity, that it's just not something to worry about. This is wrong.

Again, I don't think we're in the situation I describe in the first paragraph, and I think when the President implies that we are he's lying, and other people are either lying or being misled.

1) Re "As all the political philosophers have said, democracy tends to degenerate into dictatorship".
Actually, Aristotle noted that the same thing is true of aristocracys (corrupt oligarchies) and monarchies. That is why we have a Roman-Republic style "mixed government" --see Polybius and John Adams.

2) Unfortunately, we are slowly collapsing into a military dictatorship in the same manner the Romans did -- and for
much the same reasons.

a) Like the Romans, we spent decades building up a huge military establishment to deal with a superpower rival. Now , with the collapse of that enemy, our wealthy elites are using our unrivaled military power to create an empire.

An empire in which the huge costs (in lives and money) are dumped off onto common citizens while the huge profits go to a favored few. (The Exxon CEO receiving $400 Million while blue collar families whose sons have died in Iraq receive their sons' coffins delivered on forkloaders).

Some of the huge profits have to go to bribe a thoroughly corrupt Senate , of course. As in ancient Rome, the rich get richer while the middle class slowly fades into deep poverty due to the influx of cheap foreign goods, cheap foreign labor, and regressive taxes.

Such elites favor s single strong leader vice the turmoil of democratic debate for the same reason wealthy men favored Pompey -- they only want one puppet to bribe. Plus global empires need rapid decisionmaking. If one has large investments in a distant province , one wants the legions dispatched to protect those investments NOW.

No doubt Big Oil executives are gnashing their teeth at the idea that military protection of their investments in the Caspian Sea oil deposits and in Iraq might be questioned in a public debate. After all, Mr National Interest doesn't give anything when it comes to campaign donations.

If Pelosi has a foreign policy, by my count that brings our total up to one. Every move made by the Bush Administration has been designed to bolster their domestic political support while kicking back money to their friends--anything called "policy" towards foreign countries has never risen above feckless, corrupt belligerency. Now, if she formulates her own domestic policy, that would raise that total to one, as well.

Well said, MS. The idea that anyone could see the PA or Iran as speaking with a single voice is rather hard to comprehend. Heck, even in Egypt, which isn't exactly the most pluralistic society, Steny Hoyer was meeting with the opposition party just the other day.

The U.S. has an utterly transparent form of government and a written Constitution. When Nancy Pelosi sits down with a foreign leader, they know exactly who they're dealing with and exactly the size of her mandate. If you meet with Ahmadinejad, on the other hand, you frankly can't be sure from one day to the next exactly where he stands and what kind of position he is in to speak on behalf of the Iranian state. I'm not sure if the difference demonstrates a strength or weakness of our system per se, but I'm pretty glad we have the system we do.

I want the United States government to have this option in its arsenal (for one thing, the government might think the alternative is to go to war in order to get whatver it is that it wants, and I'd like to avoid more of those).

That would seem to put a real limitation on Congress's ability to make any foreign policy determinations of its own, as it will be dependent on the Administration for most non-newspaper information, it seems to me. That seems like a really high cost for a fairly weak weapon of not being noted--here, talked to by other political figures, and nothing more--by the US.

Insofar as congress disagrees with the president about the desirability of foreign aid programs, military expenditures, treaties, trade pacts, etc. those things don't happen. Thus, the views of congressional leaders are of direct and immediate concern to foreignern leaders. Which is why foreign leaders are willing to talk to congressional leaders.

Did Pelosi talk to Assad about "foreign aid programs, military expenditures, treaties, trade pacts, etc."? I don't think so. Seems to me that the actual subjects that Pelosi spoke to Assad about (as opposed to the straw men Matthew mentioned) have nothing to do with Congress.

mattsteinglass:

But you are missing my point. I'm not saying that the Republicans and Democrats should put out the same message, I'm saying the problem is with the administration (that is made up from ONE party) is putting out a mulit-message.

If the Reps and Dems formed a unity government of course they wouldn't put out only "the party line."

Otherwise: All your info about Fatah and Hamas is frighteningly false. Even during the best times of Oslo.

And regarding any anxiety about us being weak vis-a-vis the rest of the world may drive some, but not me.

They are weak. That I am sure of.

What they taught me in school is that the President negotiates treaties and Congress either ratifies them or doesn't. I'm surprised MY would list treaties as one of the areas where he's happy to let Congress pursue their own interests.

From my own perspective, it's not so much the issue that Congress should have a say in the treaty-making process, but the issue that Congress is incapable of speaking with a single voice. It's kind of hard to negotiate anything if 535 members of Congress get to interject their own views.

Not even Congress, right? It just has to be ratified by the Senate, IIRC. Pelosi has no hand, as far as I can see.

Good God.

I can see that the wingnut talent for talking out of their anal orifices is being honed to a fine art these days.

Lucky us.

It's kind of hard to negotiate anything if 535 members of Congress get to interject their own views.

In October, when the Bush administration was trying to get a Permanent Normal Trade Relations bill with Vietnam through Congress, Senator Mel Martinez put a "hold" on the bill pending the release of a Vietnamese-American constituent of his who had been imprisoned in Vietnam, charged with trying to overthrow the Vietnamese government. He allowed the bill to go through once she was deported to the US. Meanwhile, Sen. Liz Dole and another garment-manufacturing-state senator put a hold on the bill until they were guaranteed that the Commerce Dept. would monitor and, if necessary, auto-initiate anti-dumping procedures against Vietnamese garment exports.

Guess what? The government negotiates treaties, and 535 members of Congress interject their views. Welcome to democracy.

There's no special rule about foreign policy that says it's somehow unfair for congress to get involved.

Huh? That's not even remotely correct:

Not only, as we have shown, is the federal power over external affairs in origin and essential character different from that over internal affairs, but participation in the exercise of the power is significantly limited. In this vast external realm, with its important, complicated, delicate and manifold problems, the President alone has the power to speak or listen as a representative of the nation. He makes treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate; but he alone negotiates. Into the field of negotiation the Senate cannot intrude, and Congress itself is powerless to invade it. As Marshall said in his great argument of March 7, 1800, in the House of Representatives, "The President is the sole organ of the nation in its external relations, and its sole representative with foreign nations." Annals, 6th Cong., col. 613. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, at a very early day in our history (February 15, 1816), reported to the Senate, among other things, as follows:
The President is the constitutional representative of the United States with regard to foreign nations. He manages our concerns with foreign nations, and must necessarily be most competent to determine when, how, and upon what subjects negotiation may be urged with the greatest prospect of success. For his conduct, he is responsible to the Constitution. The committee consider this responsibility the surest pledge for the faithful discharge of his duty. They think the interference of the Senate in the direction of foreign negotiations calculated to diminish that responsibility, and thereby to impair the best security for the national safety. The nature of transactions with foreign nations, moreover, requires caution and unity of design, and their success frequently depends on secrecy and dispatch.
U.S. Senate, Reports, Committee on Foreign Relations, vol. 8, p 24.
It is important to bear in mind that we are here dealing not alone with an authority vested in the President by an [p320] exertion of legislative power, but with such an authority plus the very delicate, plenary and exclusive power of the President as the sole organ of the federal government in the field of international relations -- a power which does not require as a basis for its exercise an act of Congress but which, of course, like every other governmental power, must be exercised in subordination to the applicable provisions of the Constitution. It is quite apparent that if, in the maintenance of our international relations, embarrassment -- perhaps serious embarrassment -- is to be avoided and success for our aims achieved, congressional legislation which is to be made effective through negotiation and inquiry within the international field must often accord to the President a degree of discretion and freedom from statutory restriction which would not be admissible were domestic affairs alone involved. Moreover, he, not Congress, has the better opportunity of knowing the conditions which prevail in foreign countries, and especially is this true in time of war. He has his confidential sources of information. He has his agents in the form of diplomatic, consular and other officials. Secrecy in respect of information gathered by them may be highly necessary, and the premature disclosure of it productive of harmful results. Indeed, so clearly is this true that the first President refused to accede to a request to lay before the House of Representatives the instructions, correspondence and documents relating to the negotiation of the Jay Treaty -- a refusal the wisdom of which was recognized by the House itself, and has never since been doubted. In his reply to the request, President Washington said:
The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their success must often depend on secrecy, and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or contemplated would be extremely [p321] impolitic, for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief, in relation to other powers. The necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members. To admit, then, a right in the House of Representatives to demand and to have as a matter of course all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power would be to establish a dangerous precedent.
1 Messages and Papers of the Presidents, p. 194.

United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304 (1936)

To admit, then, a right in the House of Representatives to demand and to have as a matter of course all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power would be to establish a dangerous precedent.

good thing nobody asked for "all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power", then !

Guess what? The government negotiates treaties, and 535 members of Congress interject their views. Welcome to democracy.

Sure, that's great, but it happens as part of our internal political dialogue, not as 535 people independently talking to the foreign power we're trying to sign a treaty with.

I'm not saying Pelosi negotiated a treaty. I'm just saying that I don't understand why it would be fine for members of Congress to hold their own negotiations with foreign powers when it comes to treaties. If it were possible for Congress to speak with a single voice, maybe I'd feel differently, but I still think we're going to get the most advantageous result for U.S. interests when we have one person at the bargaining table.

As part of the process of negotiating PNTR, US support for WTO accession, and other trade agreements with Vietnam, numerous congressional delegations have visited the country and met with senior Vietnamese leadership. Invariably they also meet with relevant government and private-sector leaders in industries important to their home states. Additionally, they often interpellate Vietnamese leaders on issues of moral or political concern to them. Sen. Brownback discusses religious freedom issues when he comes to Vietnam. Rep. Solomon Ortiz, head of the House Armed Services Committee, discusses military cooperation. Rep. Loretta Sanchez, whose district has lots of Vietnamese-Americans, tries to meet with jailed political dissidents' wives.

It is routine for members of congress to meet with foreign leaders and discuss foreign policy issues. I believe Sen. Joseph Lieberman has on occasion met with the Prime Minister of Israel without raising tremendous protests from the White House over unwonted interference in foreign policy.

I don't agree that the end result of the Iraq war will be disasterous. I think that the voices of the Iraqis are being ignored.

There were massive, hundred thousand strong demonstrations throughout Iraq today. I've heard little on television so I think you are right, in an incredibly wrongheaded manner.

Re Steve's comment " I still think we're going to get the most advantageous result for U.S. interests when we have one person at the bargaining table"
------------
Wrong. We get the best results when foreign leaders get the idea that the world's nuclear armed superpower is run by a mob of irrational cliques whose aggregate behavior is unpredictable. The uncertainty is frightening and makes those leaders break out in a cold sweat and anxious to cut a deal.

Kinda like "Good Cop and Bad Cop" except that there are 3 cops and at least one of the cops is a psychopath but it's not clear which.

Look at how the Iraqi factions now sees the Bush White House and the Democratic Congress. The factions wanting to fight the Iraqi Government see a Bush ready to bomb them back into the Stone Age. But the current Iraqi government cannot selfishly exploit Bush's support because the current Iraqi government also sees an increasingly impatient Democratic Congress ready to hand them over to the insurgents if progress is not made. Seems like the appropriate pressures are being applied in the right spots.

No doubt about it, there should be a law that says U.S. pols can only visit democracies that share our values, like the Democratic Republic of Saudi Arabia, or the People's Republic of Pakistan.

Our government shouldn’t be wasting time on labeling each other. They should try to improve this country and the world. At least Pelosi is trying to communicate with the Mid-Eastern leaders. The US needs to join together with the rest of the world leaders in figuring out a multilateral and economically sound way of ending terrorism and Mid-East tensions. One of the most effective ways is to end global poverty.

Our leaders need to not abandon Iraq, but support its growth and the growth of other undeveloped countries by funding the UN Millennium Development Goals. According to the Borgen Project, just 0.16% of our federal budget is spent on poverty reduction while $340 billion has been spent on the war. Of all wealthy nations, we contribute the least percentage. We need to redirect our funds to programs that will work to combat the conditions that foster extremism.

I'll start getting incensed about congresspersons violating the separation of powers when the executive branch stops exercising judicial functions, as it currently does on that sunny Caribbean isle.

Congress is the primary branch in our constitutional system. The executive is supposed to administer policy and funding priorities set by Congress. In foreign policy, things are more equally divided than domestic policy, but the large role of Congress is still clear. Here is a good source:

http://fpc.state.gov/fpc/6172.htm

Things have gradually gotten badly out of whack, especially since WWII and the Cold War.

"Is anyone taking into account that the Syrian regime is terror supporting regime that oppresses it's own people as well as the Lebanese? Is that not relevant?"

Comments like this he makes clear the large emotional investment the right wing has in simply demonizing various enemies of Israel in the middle east, absent any evidence at all. You can hear the desparation here and the emotional attempt to hold off reality. There is no evidence that Syria has supported any anti-U.S. terrorism over at least the past 20 years, if ever. Syria is probably less oppressive of its own people than our allies Egypt and Saudi Arabia are. Certainly it is less oppressive of its own people than we have been of the Iraqi people under our sovereign control. In the case of Hama, brought up ad infinitum despite the fact that it is 35 years old, many fewer Syrian (Palestinian) civilians died than the number of Iraqi civilians who have died since we invaded. These are all facts.

The US Constitution doesn't reserve foreign policy for the Executive Branch to the exclusion of all others. It reserves foreign policy for the federal government to the exclusion of the states. Someone got confused somewhere along the line (around 1936, as Al helpfully points out).

That said, it's not uncommon for state officials to mingle with foreigners -- Schwarzenegger will talk about immigration with Mexico, Alaska's governor will discuss natural gas shipments with Canada, and everyone else goes on fact-finding trips to the Bahamas.

Hama happened about 25 years ago.

But lieberman is a republican't so it doesn't matter.


Comments closed April 23, 2007.

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