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Shadow Cabinet

26 Jun 2007 03:04 pm

The always-provocative Jonathan Rauch has a slightly curious column in The Atlanic praising the new front-loaded primary schedule. Yes, he acknowledges some flaws, but he thinks a longer general election campaign would be a pretty good thing. Finally, he writes this:

For me, though, what tips the scales in favor of early primaries, with the resulting long general-election campaign, is that they give U.S. politics an opportunity to mimic one of the best features of British-style parliamentary politics: the shadow government. American commentators often observe, with envy, that political campaigns in parliamentary systems are much shorter. In Britain, the formal campaign and election span weeks, not months or years. But such commentators tend to overlook the fact that by the time a British election rolls around, voters have had months or years to get to know the candidates, parties, agendas, and even cabinets. The party and prime minister in office are known quantities. Typically, opposition leaders are familiar too, because the parties choose their leaders well in advance of most elections. And these leaders choose shadow cabinets, the men and women who would ascend to ministerial portfolios if the party won. In other words, the voters decide not just between two candidates or even two parties but, in effect, between two governments.

For me, I'm all for the shadow cabinet concept. It's also even arguably true that "Until the modern era of front-loaded primaries, any similar arrangement in the United States would have been all but impossible." Still, just because it's now possible doesn't mean it's actually going to happen. Indeed, the odds of it happening strike me as overwhelmingly small. The reason is that it serves candidates interests just fine to leave as large a pool as possible of semi-important people looking for jobs. Absent a shadow cabinet, you'll probably have Richard Holbrooke telling everyone who might possibly care what Richard Holbrooke thinks that whichever person happens to have won the Democratic nomination is a brilliant individual with sound instincts guided by the greatest team ever assembled. But if you do have a shadow cabinet and it doesn't include Holbrooke well, then, here come the off-the-record quotes about how so-and-so's a bit of a softie, not really up the job, a bit of a left-wing nut, etc., etc., etc.

And that's not to cast any particular aspersions on Holbrooke, I just don't know off the top of my head the names of any likely candidates to be a Democratic Secretary of the Treasury. The point is that candidates try to avoid sending clear signals about this kind of thing for a reason.

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Comments (14)

In 2000, the most obvious member of Bush's shadow cabinet was Colin Powell.

"I just don't know off the top of my head the names of any likely candidates to be a Democratic Secretary of the Treasury"

Well, before his troubles at Umass-Cambridge, probably Larry Summers. Other than that, probably someone on Wall Street. Jon Corzine would be a good pick when he's done being governor. Heck, so would Chuck Schumer, probably. Maybe the netroots can start a "Draft Brad DeLong for Treasury Secretary" movement. Though, he'd probably be more useful as chair of one of the WH panels (CEA/NEC, etc).

I suspect that once the nomination is wrapped up, the Democratic nominee will find a shadow SecDef in short order, since none of them have much experience with the military.

The last time this subject made the blogosphere rounds, I seem to recall it being pointed out that there is some aspect of federal law that can be construed as making it illegal to have a shadow cabinet (I believe it is technically illegal to offer someone a government job as a quid pro quo for political support.)

Sorry for the comment-essay, but I've been boring my friends about the need for a "shadow cabinet" for years. It's the only way I can think of to restore a balance of power between the Executive & Legislative branches (which is a big part of why it's so unlikely to happen).

For decades, administrations of both parties have been stripping actual policy responsibility away from the Cabinet and putting it in the hands of more-or-less faceless White House staffers who are not subject to Senate confirmation & who can be slipped under the blanket excuse of "Executive Privilege" for any reason or no reason at all.

Worried as I am by the influence of Cheney, I am more worried over the long term by the incredible power of the White House Chief of Staff, who has no Constitutional standing at all and who could probably not be picked out of a line-up by the overwhelming majority of Americans, including active voters who are members of the sitting President's own party.

My suspicion (free of actual research) is that the Cabinet, rather than the Senate, was intended by the Founders as the proving ground for would-be Presidents. In the days when Presidents didn't have a personal staff able to outnumber Congress by four to one, Cabinet Secretaries surely had much greater direct responsibility and accountability for policy.

Wasting the carefully developed proposals and constituencies of at least a half-dozen experienced leaders every four years is smart politics, of course, because it prevents anyone from ever looking at the Secretary of Whatsis and saying, "Criminy! Why didn't I vote for her instead?!" But from the standpoint of responsible governance, I think it's painfully short-sighted and stupid.

Nick, it's doubtful Larry Summers would go back to a job he's already held...he's more likely for World Bank. And Corzine just spent a fortune on a gubernatorial campaign.

Bush wrapped up the nomination pretty early in 2000. By the time the general election came around, did anyone really have any idea that he would surround himself with neo-conservatives? The whole idea of completely changing US foreign policy from it's post WWII multilateral stance was never mentioned, that I recall, nor that foreign policy would be run by neo-cons.

And Bush ended up placing failed 2000 candidates (John Ashcroft, Spencer Abraham etc.) at high levels - no one would have know ahead of the 2000 election that these guys were available or were part of a "shadow cabinet".

The whole thing sounds nice in the parliamentary abstract, but doesn't really translate to America.

"By the time the general election came around, did anyone really have any idea that he [Bush] would surround himself with neo-conservatives? The whole idea of completely changing US foreign policy from it's [sic] post WWII multilateral stance was never mentioned..."

This is precisely why the nation would benefit from developing some form of shadow cabinet. The general election is one long solo performance in which very little ever has to be specified. I realize candidates are terrified of saying anything specific enough to drive away even one potential voter--but if there's no clear set of proposals, there can be no mandate. And if there's no mandate, almost any new President must become a prisoner of events.

My central contention is that a President can support a more ambitious platform if there are other people standing on it--people who will clearly get a career boost if it works or get fired if it fails.

The idea of a shadow cabinet is great in theory, but it would be difficult to construct one like the Brits have without a parliamentary system. Simply put, there is no logical office or place for a "Shadow President." Would it be a leading member of Congress? Would s/he defer to the leaders of the party in the House and the Senate?

Also, cabinet picks in the U.S. are increasingly from business/think tank/service-related jobs. The number of cabinet officials with elective experience or continuing political ambitions has dwindled. Nowadays, the only elected officials in the Cabinet are retired governors or ex-senators - graybeards who have no interest in further careers in elective office.

The Brits select their cabinet completely from within the parliament, with each minister basically serving as supervisor for the departments, ready to implement government policy. The closest analogy would be the Committee ranking members of the minority party in Congress. And Cabinet experience is a must if you want to attain party leadership because, at least in the UK, that's the only administrative experience anyone can get.

In the U.S., it's hard to imagine an unaccountable, extra-constitutional office of the minority "Shadow President," serving with a bunch of consultants on various issues as their "shadow cabinet" and separate from Congress.

I'll also add something to Rah's comment above; he mentioned that the cabinet was probably seen as the major step to the presidency early on, not the Senate (or, I'd add, governorships). And that's pretty true, especially up until the Civil War.

And the interesting thing is that before the Civil War (and to some extent up until the 19th Amendment), the Senate acted more like how the House of Commons does vis-a-vis the British Cabinet. Cabinets were often stacked with senators - especially the positions of Secretary of State, Attorney General, Secretary of War, Secretary of the Navy - and the Senate, elected by the state legislatures, functioned as sort of a revolving door. Senators would resign very frequently to accept a cabinet position, retain influence in the body, and be confident that when their term ended they could get reelected to the Senate by the legislature. The 19th Amendment changed that - afterwards Senators became much less influential because they couldn't easily resign their senate seats and be sure of having them later.

As LaFollette Progressive mentioned, there was suggestion that it might fall foul of some law prohibiting the granting of offices in return for support.

That's easily addressed, of course: when Harper took over in Canada, Stockwell Day went from 'Foreign affairs critic' to Minister of Public Safety, where he was less likely to embarrass himself, his party and his country. In Britain, membership in the shadow cabinet doesn't guarantee the equivalent job in govt.

I can't see it crossing over for a few other reasons: not least that the chosen voices on particular subjects/depts would spend all their time being asked if they've been offered the Cabinet job, rather than discussing issues. You know that's what Wolf Blitzer would do for ten minutes.

Plus, y'know, Dick Cheney.

It's true that people are already familiar with the party leaders, but I guarantee that the vast majority of the public haven't a clue who is in the shadow cabinets. Hell, I couldn't name more than a handful of the Tories' shadow cabinet positions and I'm a political junkie.

I suspect that once the nomination is wrapped up, the Democratic nominee will find a shadow SecDef in short order, since none of them have much experience with the military.

Posted by Nicholas Beaudrot

Oh, snap. What, you mean unlike those grizzled twenty-year Marine veterans Fred Thompson, Mitt Romney, Rudy Giuliani, Mike Huckabee and Newt Gingrich?

pseud is right, too. In British politics the Cabinet and Shadow Cabinet have to be drawn from Parliament (either the Commons or, more rarely, the Lords). You can't just have anyone you like. So there's a bright line between "potential cabinet members", who are established professional politicans, and everyone else, and the respected voices are less likely to be bribed with cabinet posts.

Anyone who's read Machiavelli will now be thinking of the distinction between France and Turkey.

The shadow cabinet doesn't have any constitutional status - it's purely up to the opposition how they organise themselves, and as a rule you need to have somebody to lead the opposition side in debates on each particular issue, so you get a complete set of shadow ministers.


Comments closed July 10, 2007.

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