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The Trouble With Post-Occupation

13 Jun 2007 11:13 am

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The "residual force" concept deserves a response on the merits, and Spencer Ackerman makes most of the best points:

That, however, is the exact same message of June 2004, which failed to reassure anyone. The US's allies in Iraq want the US to stay in force - if not forever, at least for some extended duration. The US's enemies in Iraq - a far more numerous and politically salient force - want the US out expeditiously. Anything that reassures one horrifies the other, leaving US troops caught in the crossfire. The Iraqi political process is meant to provide equilibrium for the complex dynamic of post-occupation, but it has only dragged the country into a zero-sum sectarian contest, with each side inspecting the US's intentions to see which faction it will back.

As the 2004 handover demonstrated, Iraqis are unlikely to be fooled into thinking 40,000-plus US forces stationed indefinitely in the country represents an end to the US presence. Worse, if the idea is to either protect Iraqis from a slide into chaos or safeguard enduring US interests - be it preventing genocide or fighting al-Qaida or keeping the oil flowing - then keeping only 40,000 troops in Iraq is senseless. As Major General Joseph Fil commented to Ricks: "My nightmare - the thing that keeps me up at night - is a failure of Iraqi security forces, somehow, catastrophically, mixed with a major Samarra mosque-type catastrophe." Leaving the Iraqi security forces aside, another huge sectarian provocation is guaranteed. In 2009, US commanders of a post-occupation force will find themselves powerless to deal with it. At that point, US troops will be little more than a constabulary force to keep the Iraqi politicians who failed to avert the crisis - and probably contributed to it - alive.

Right. We don't have 160,000 troops in Iraq right now because that's somehow a convenient or expedient thing for us to be doing. The plan never called for that many forces to be in the country. Rather, the US ideal is a much smaller force along the lines of the Democrats' "residual" or the Bush administration's "post-occupation" force. The trouble is that 40-50,000 troops turns out to be far too few to exercise meaningful control in Iraq. At the same time, it's far too many troops to credibly wash our hands of things. 50,000 troops indicates a commitment to controlling the situation, but 50,000 troops is too few to control the situation, so why not surge another division in? Meanwhile Iraqis opposed to a US occupation (i.e., the vast majority of Iraqis) will still feel occupied, and the fact that the troop presence will have the imprimateur of the Iraqi government will do more to discredit that government than to legitimate the presence.

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Comments (16)

You can have a small force in a country if you really have reliable political control over it. But if you don't have reliable political control, you need a large force killing people or to get out. That's the experience of British colonialism.

What otto said. It's truly staggering to me the way that so many otherwise intelligent people have latched onto this "residual force" nonsense as a face-saving option. If anyone can provide a single historical example of a beneficial rump occupation after a larger military occupation failed to secure order, I'd love to hear about it. We'd just be leaving our troops in-country even more vulnerable to armed assault and kidnapping, while accomplishing nothing other than putting a band-aid on hawk egos.

Either draft a larger army, explicitly side with one of the local factions and use them as a proxy, or get the fuck out. Those are your choices. I should hardly need to mention that I support the option behind door #3.

A rump force could make sense if it was securely based in a rural, friendly area of the country that would welcome it, like Kurdistan. In fact, if the only way to stop Turkey from invading Kurdistan was to have a US presence near the border, I think it would be worth it. The number of troops need only be large enough to break up large concentrations of the PKK - let's say, one or two brigades.

There's no reason to have any troops in any other part of the country.

Well, we have our "major Samarra mosque-type catastrophe": the finishing off of...the Samarra mosque! It's probably only a matter of months until the Shiites, in some configuration, tell us to piss off and get the hell out of their faces so they can git down to some real killin'. It's not a prospect I greet with relief or any hope whatsoever. We cannot wash our hands of Iraq--we can only fail in the most spectacular possible manner or, via some miracle, manage to find a less-than-most-spectacular manner in which to fail less damagingly. Leaving will not solve anything except the sizeable moral dilemma of asking American soldiers to die for a mistake.

If anyone can provide a single historical example of a beneficial rump occupation after a larger military occupation failed to secure order, I'd love to hear about it.

This is why the "South Korea" example keeps coming up. Except that order had been secured in SK before the "residual force" was left behind, so it's a meaningless comparison. It's still the closest that they can come up with to a coherent analogy though.

Either draft a larger army, explicitly side with one of the local factions and use them as a proxy, or get the fuck out.

They've been trying to do this (ineptly) since that IS what was done in South Korea. Except that unlike in SK the "Iraq endeavor" would be considered a "failure" if it turns into a dictatorship instead of a democracy (we had no problems leaving a dictatorship in place in SK for 30 years, that's part of what made the whole thing work in the first place). Unfortunately, Matthew's last point shows why this is impossible in Iraq:

the fact that the troop presence will have the imprimateur of the Iraqi government will do more to discredit that government than to legitimate the presence

A military dictatorship could crack down on dissenters (which is, not coincidently, how South Korea handled their US "partnership"), a "democracy" doesn't have that capability - it only discredits the government and forces a dissolution and new election, and each successive government elected will naturally be more hostile to US involvement than the previous one, barring a hostile invasion of Iraq by one of its neighbors.

40,000? If they are to fight, that's too few; if they are to die, that's too many, as someone once said . . .

The job of the "residual force" would not be to secure Iraqi oil, its government, or the country as a whole. Its job would be to defend the egos of those who launched the war. When the rump occupation is forced to withdraw, they can blame someone other than themselves.


I've just started reading the piece, but I want to say that this is the first time I've seen 'zero-sum' used to mean 'either-or'.

"The US's enemies in Iraq - a far more numerous and politically salient force"

This would be why they won the election, right?

"But if you don't have reliable political control, you need a large force killing people or to get out. That's the experience of British colonialism." ...otto

Air supremacy/domination is a heck of a force multiplier.

"The US's enemies in Iraq - a far more numerous and politically salient force"

Only for a limited range of purposes which conspicuously does NOT include establishing/maintaining a peaceful society.

Well, dang, my clipboard didn't refresh. How embarassing. LOL!

If only people were talking about a just Kurdistan type of option. But that would probably piss off Turkey like no other.

"This is why the 'South Korea' example keeps coming up. Except that order had been secured in SK before the 'residual force' was left behind, so it's a meaningless comparison. It's still the closest that they can come up with to a coherent analogy though."

As someone else said, think South Korea without the cease-fire...

The Washington idiotocracy just can't let go. They know withdrawal will put a huge exclamation point on the whole failed enterprise. Better to have U.S. soilders die indefinitely defending their egos in Iraq.

kafka:

"Better to have U.S. soilders die indefinitely defending their egos in Iraq."

Well, at some point civil wars do burn out. Without taking sides, there's nothing American troops can do to accelerate that process, but if they are still there when this burns out, they can help sweep up.


Comments closed June 27, 2007.

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