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Expertise!

18 Aug 2007 11:50 am

Just as further proof that I'm not hostile to expertise, let me quote from Assistant Professor at the Patterson School of Diplomacy and International Commerce Robert Farley's review of Negotiating Change:

Negotiating Change, by Jeremy Jones, is about democratization and political change in the Middle East. Jones, a Research Fellow at the Kennedy School of Government and a Senior Research Associate at the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, is extremely, if often implicitly, critical of US policy in the Middle East and in particular the process through which policy is made. In short, I think Jones would say, American policymaking has made cultural illiteracy a virtue, with disastrous effects.

Jones point is that context is important. Readings of Middle Eastern politics that don't understand the local meaning of party politics and civil society inevitably fail to capture a reliable picture of what's going on. For example, Jones argues that the success of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt doesn't necessarily indicate that the movement is politically popular, or that it has achieved success on its own merits. Rather, the repressive Egyptian state has limited the capacity of civil society to develop. The state, however, is reluctant to invade the mosque, meaning that Islamic groups have a freedom to organize and assemble that other societal groups lack. The result of political oppression, then, is the production of a movement that may be more dangerous to the survival of the Egyptian state than the forces that the state is trying to repress. Although Jones recognizes that their may be cross-national similarities, he doesn't apply the same lens to every country; again, context matters, and superficially similar events may have entirely different political meanings in different countries. [...]

Given his approach, Negotiating Change is necessarily fragmented and episodic. The main theme that comes through, though is that the statements of US policymakers on democracy in the Middle East are almost universally myopic and ill-informed. Without understanding Middle Eastern societies, it's impossible to craft a policy likely to promote, rather than foreclose, democratization. I would add that this insight is particularly unfortunate for a foreign policy group that purports to believe that a) democratization should be the primary goal of US Middle Eastern policy, and b) virtually all experts on the Middle East are ideological poison. Indeed, it's hard to imagine a world in which the combination of those two traits could lead to any success at all.

Food for thought. Over the years, I've come to believe that the central takeaway lesson of this sort of critique is, on some level, that we simply have to make our policies more robust against the possibility that we don't understand what's happening. In other words, if your pet scheme for American policy toward the Middle East crucially depends on your particular interpretation of the Muslim Brotherhood's rise and significant, then it looks very, very risky to bet the farm on that interpretation. To actually understand what's happening in these different countries is hard and requires a great deal of specific knowledge. We shouldn't overestimate the capacity of the government to obtain that knowledge, disseminate it to the right people, and then effectively micromanage outcomes halfway around the world based on up-to-date fine-grained understandings of Yemen, Jordan, Kuwait, Syria, etc.

Obviously, one does one's best with these difficulties, but the main goal should be to do the best one can to outline policies that work okay one way or the other. We should want political actors in the Arab world to believe that killing Americans is not necessary to achieving their domestic political goals (whatever those goals may be) and try to promote a general climate of peace and prosperity since those would be good things even if they didn't promote democratization. The alternative path of trying to figure out the best possible way to effectively determine political outcomes on the other side of the world seems doomed to failure.

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Comments (14)

I didn't read either Jones' book or Farley's full review, but, essentially, Jones and Farley both seem to be saying that our policy toward each nation in the Middle East should be evaluated on a case-by-case basis, rather than on the vague ideological goal of "promoting democracy."

I have to say that contending otherwise seems even more stupid than defending "intelligent design" vs. evolution. But I guess our nation has reached the point where this is actually considered a meaningful topic for political debate.

Matt and the book reviewer make some good points, which sound remarkably like Kramer's views. They are a little late, though, since Kramer made these points in October 2002, well before the failure of US democracy promotion in Iraq.

To the promoters of democracy, I say, promise one thing: that the existing order will not be replaced by civil war as in Bosnia or Algeria or Lebanon. For bad as the Arab world is, it could get worse, and in fact it has been worse at various times and places. Almost everywhere, beneath the coercive order enforced by the regimes, there are precisely the same ethnic tensions that produced war in Bosnia, the same inter-faith hatreds that gave us war in Lebanon, or the same struggle for Islam that ended in civil war in Algeria. Can the doctors of democracy promise, first of all, to do no harm?
I'm still waiting to read what exactly Kramer is wrong about, and where exactly he expounded the quasi-racist views that Matt attributes to him.

we simply have to make our policies more robust against the possibility that we don't understand what's happening

Maybe. At the moment I'd settle for them being robust against willfully *mis*understanding what's happening. For example, the fact that the current mainstream public debate focuses on Islamic fundamentalism to the near-exclusion of Arab nationalism leads almost all policy proposals to be clearly wrong. The question being asked is always "How can we defeat Islamic fundamentalism?" when in act it should be "How can we make Arab nationalism not our problem?"

Kramer, as commenters on other threads have noted, actually did back the war. He thus ended up supporting the very actions that unleashed the very forces he warned against.

Ragout,

The belief that people of any particular region are even possibly incapable of establishing a truly democratic government, based solely on the race of said region’s inhabitants, or, that a particular race is incapable of something, is inherently racist.

Any evidence provided to support such a claim is simply a justification of a racist’s racism.

Kramer hints towards his belief in this impossibility with his first sentence in the linked post, posing the oh so very serious question “Can there be a liberal, democratic Middle East?”

The answer is obviously yes. The question a non-racist would ask starts with “how.” But Kramer does not give a shit about Arabs.

Kramer is most definitely correct about the impossibility of establishing a government, “for and by the people” governed, through imposition “for and by the people” of governments elsewhere, especially when any grievance may exist towards these governments elsewhere.

But he is still a racist.

William notes that "the fact that the current mainstream public debate focuses on Islamic fundamentalism to the near-exclusion of Arab nationalism leads almost all policy proposals to be clearly wrong."

Yes, and the condemnations of "Islamofascism" and "radical Islamism" (Giuliani's favorite) ring even more hollow than Cold War claims that "international communism" was monolithic. Long ago we began to see the outlines of an updated domino theory based on the notion that the fall of Iraq would lead to radical (and nearly identical) Wassabi or "Islamofascist" regimes in Saudi Arabia, Jordan and elsewhere in the Middle East.

Nationalism is far too nuanced for those who can only perceive conflict in binary terms founded on ideological and historical distortions.


Matthew is correct in observing that it is often difficult to achieve a correct and detailed knowledge of other countries and that its almost impossible for the U.S. to micromanage other nations (without invading them first).

While true, I believe this is somewhat irrelevant. Even if it were somehow possible to micromanage other countries and institute programs and policies there, the reality is that it would change the probabilities that an outcome would come to pass rather than the determining the outcome itself. Forget about determining stochastic outcomes in other countries (or anywhere for that matter) and worry about managing risk. Which, I suppose, is more or less what Yglesias is talking about towards the end of the post.

rk,

Nowhere does Kramer deny, or even "hint," that Arabs are not capable of Democracy. He explicitly says the opposite numerous times in his talk.

If you read beyond the first sentence, you'll find Kramer basically agrees that it is dumb to ask "Can there be a liberal, democratic Middle East?" Note that he is making a speech to a conference. I would guess that he raises this question because it's the title of a panel or because he was in some other way asked to address it. In any event, he quickly dismisses the question and moves on to his talk, titled, "Should America Promote a Liberal, Democratic Middle East?"

Given all this talk about the "very serious people" in the "foreign policy establishment," I suggest we consider how other countries run their foreign policies and see if we might take some lessons from them ( much like many of us point to the French or to the Canadian health care systems ).


Do they also have "foreign policy establishments"? Are they a closed club? Do they limit the range of debatable positions? How do they respond to criticism? To change?


The belief that people of any particular region are even possibly incapable of establishing a truly democratic government, based solely on the race of said region’s inhabitants, or, that a particular race is incapable of something, is inherently racist.

I agree - but in the context of Kramer this is a strawman.

Look - there is nothing about any race which would prohibit it from organizing their societies democratically. Everyone knows that; everyone who is serious anyway. The question is whether nations have the the political and economic conditions from which a democratic society can spring. This is a question taken up by political scientists - and there is no racial element in it at all.

Let's talk about straw men:

From Kramer:

“But if we set ourselves the mission of democratizing the Arab world—especially if we decide to begin with our putative friends—there is more than a risk of unintended consequences.”

Right. By putative friends he meant Iraq right. Because I have heard so much talk about regime change within our putative friends like Iran and Iraq and Syria and he is surely talking about that.

Let’s talk about logical fallacy:

“Arab society lacks that tolerance. It is very sharing of many things—but not of political power.”

Because “Arab society” is so free, the society as a whole has so many opportunities to share its political power, and they simply choose not to. Arabs through their democratically elected leaders have so many opportunities to express their voices. Obviously the leaders of “Arab society” are a reflection of “Arab society” itself.

Or wait a second did he just spend all this time talking about how political power is not shared and a ridiculously limited number of people hold the levers of power. Anyway, it would be ridiculous to assume that those few dictators are not a perfect example of the opinions of "Arab society" as a whole.

I don't know but those could be possibly racist assumptions.

I could go on all day with that lecture.

Anyway, I think we in the “West” should be honest with ourselves, we are not fully prepared to deal with the consequences of a post-colonialism (uh-oh, I’m not serious) we, ourselves, wrought. Can you even call it "post"-colonialism in the midst of our current imperial adventure, while perhaps on the brink of another in Iran?

I’d love to discuss this further, but I have to go out. Feel free to send any comments to rAymOnD [dot] kEeNAn [@ as in "at"] eARthLiNK [.] com. It's a junk address, but I'll check it.

I have some quibbles here, Matt.

"We should want political actors in the Arab world to believe that killing Americans is not necessary to achieving their domestic political goals (whatever those goals may be)"

Okay, no problem with this part. The question is how do we do this? See below for the answer.

"and try to promote a general climate of peace and prosperity since those would be good things even if they didn't promote democratization."

Uhm, no. This is not our business. That is THEIR business. Unless by "promote" you mean "promote by example" - which the US has not done for decades and is not doing now, and the leading political candidates for office show no inclination to do in the future.

"The alternative path of trying to figure out the best possible way to effectively determine political outcomes on the other side of the world seems doomed to failure."

That is correct.

I hate to do it, but George Washington set the tone two hundred years ago: Make no foreign entanglements and deal with everybody fairly in the marketplace. It's that goddamn simple. You don't need to be a "foreign policy expert" to figure out how to do those two ideals.

Even people like Matt who talk about "we simply have to make our policies more robust against the possibility that we don't understand what's happening" almost IMMEDIATELY get drawn into the notion that what's happening over there NEEDS US TO GET DIRECTLY INVOLVED. That is NOT TRUE.

Nobody is saying we need to IGNORE what is going on elsewhere in the world. That is true "isolationism." What we need to do is craft our responses in a manner that does NOT REQUIRE us to INTERVENE in what is going on elsewhere.

In other words, our policies should be about what WE do in regards to our OWN actions rather than demanding everyone else agree to modify THEIR actions.

We do NOT need to be telling Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq, whoever, how to run their countries. That is their citizens problem.

The problem for the US NOW is that we HAVE been doing this for the last century. This means we have to CORRECT some mistakes and then STOP making more.

The first mistake to correct is Iraq. Get out NOW. Ignore anything that happens as a result - civil war, genocide, total destruction and a failed state. That is NOT OUR PROBLEM. Our issue should be what do we do to prevent any blowback from those problems (assuming they even occur.)

The second mistake is to immediately stop hassling Iran (and North Korea) and offer to support the NPT policies which require nuclear nations to assist and support non-nuclear nations who are NPT signatories in acquiring the technology for peaceful use of nuclear technology.

The third mistake to correct is dump all support of Israel, and join with the international community in demanding a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East which will entail Israel's complete nuclear disarmament. Or we can forego the demand and just ignore what happens there completely, supporting neither the Palestinians or the Israelis.

In addition to that, we dump all support for the Arab monarchies and start ignoring them, too.

Both those policies will almost immediately take us off the Al Qaeda "hit list" as well as allowing us to downsize our incredibly excessive military and diverting $120-140 billion a year into other US infrastructure and public policy projects.

Of course, none of this is going to happen. Humans just HAVE to meddle with everybody else lest everybody else somehow make out better than them - and that can't be allowed.

Stop putting our foreign policy into the hands of the underwear gnomes. Then you are bound to see an improvement.

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Comments closed September 01, 2007.

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