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Praise and Worry About the UN Charter

23 Aug 2007 03:10 pm

I'm very sympathetic to the view articulated by Brad DeLong and John Quiggin (here and here) that international law and the United Nations Charter essentially provide a sufficient basis for thinking about when the United States should and should not use force in world affairs.

In particular, the seemingly commonsense objection that this is airy idealism that can't be put into practice because the bad guys of the world can't be trusted to play along turns out to hold very little water. It's true, of course, that the bad guys of the world can't be trusted to play along, but the Charter itself and international law more generally provides amply justification for the use of force to punish bad actors who insist on waging aggressive war. There's no question of seeking a "permission slip" to literally defend the country against attack, the question of permission slips acts, rather, as a constraint against more grandiose forms of meddling.

I do, however, have two worries about this doctrine. One is that some of our thorniest foreign policy issues -- in particular Taiwan -- have a somewhat murky legal status. The other is that saying one should act in accordance with what the UN Security Council is prepared to authorize doesn't actually answer the question of what the United States, as a leading member of said Council, should be trying to get permission to do. In general, though, I'm very much in agreement with Quiggin about this question and especially with the points he makes in his followup.

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Comments (14)

It becomes a functional problem when one of the bad guys is on the Security Council, although this is a less obvious flaw than, say, when Josef Stalin still walked the earth.

The other is that saying one should act in accordance with what the UN Security Council is prepared to authorize doesn't actually answer the question of what the United States, as a leading member of said Council, should be trying to get permission to do.

Fair enough. But it's worth not losing sight of the context of the debate here. People aren't just arguing about what policies the US should seek to have authorized by the UN SC. Rather, conservatives and (more frighteningly) bi-partisan, "centerist", foreign policy professional big-thinkers all think the UN SC is so flawed it needs to be abandoned or effectively replaced with a Concert of Some More Or Less Democratic Countries That Will Back Whatever Military Adventures The US Sets Its Sights On. Affirming a commitment to working within the framework of the UN SC already puts you--in the context of this debate--well to the dirty-hippie-left of all those people.

1) The first rule you learn when you take a course in the use of lethal force is that "bare fear" does NOT justify use of force.

If you carry a gun, you are not allowed to shoot a chance passerby simply because you thought his glance at you -- or maybe the color of his skin -- meant that he was planning to attack you.

2) George Bush is guilty of the murder of 150,000 plus Iraqis, by that rule. Evidence that his attack was a form of robbery -- a seizure of Iraq's oil -- adds to his guilt.

3) We, the people of the United States, are responsible for the actions of our government. Given that we have approved his acts, we should not be surprised if his aggression comes back home to us one day -- in the form of a very real mushroom cloud.

4) Just ask the Berliners. Some of them cheered Hitler in 1940. They weren't cheering very damm much in 1945.

It's also possible to arm-twist the Security Council into doing a lot of things the U.S. government's leaders want, whether or not that action is or isn't authorized or whatever by the UN.

Right wingers and liberal hawks appreciate the UN to the exact degree that it does what US right wingers and liberal hawks want it to do. To the extent that other nations do not wish to go along, then they insult, undercut, ignore, or work against the UN, of which the Security Council is only one group of its member states, it isn't some supranational body with independent authority.

It becomes a functional problem when one of the bad guys is on the Security Council

Yep. Seems to me that Matthew's position boils down to: America should be powerless to do anything about any situation in which China's or Russia's interests are involved. I.e., Kosovo is not permitted in Matthew's world.

If you carry a gun, you are not allowed to shoot a chance passerby simply because you thought his glance at you -- or maybe the color of his skin -- meant that he was planning to attack you.

Didn't Jeb sign a law in Florida that allows exactly that? That is, if you feel threatened you can justifiably use lethal force? I seem to remember something like this from last year or the year before...

I'm kinda surprised that Brad is bothering to debate Daniel Drezner. Isn't Drezner the little snot-nosed brat who was denied tenure by John Mearsheimer's Department at the University of Chicago?

PS If international law is a dead letter, then what was the legal basis for the Nuremberg Trials/executions? For the Eichman(sp?) trial in Israel?

Personally, I've always had a grudging admiration for Winston Churchill's "Just shoot the fuckers-- They're bad people and don't speak English" approach. At least it's not two-faced hypocrisy.

"Didn't Jeb sign a law in Florida that allows exactly that? That is, if you feel threatened you can justifiably use lethal force? I seem to remember something like this from last year or the year before..."

Nope, a gross misrepresentation of "Stand your ground" laws. Such laws merely establish that you have no obligation to retreat from places you are entitled to be.

Stand your ground.

There are real difficulties with the "United Nations Charter" is all we need approach to the use of force. First, the veto power, effectively stops all action even in cases in which action is warranted. The China and Russia vetos are why Kosovo was a NATO, instead of UN-sanctioned operation. And, I doubt that China would permit any realistic intervention in the Darfur. As you note, this is not a problem when the US is called to defend an ally under attack--no one needs to approve that intervention under the charter. the problem is in humanitarian crises such as Darfur and Kosovo.

Second, the Security Council permanent members no longer reflect the realities of the world. Why does France have a permanent seat, but India does not? What about Japan? Why France and England, but not Germany. The power relationships of 1945 are not necessarily the correct ones for 2006.

So what is the proper response? Up till now, the response has been to cobble togethee new theories for intervention when Security Council won't act. The legal defense of Kosovo was largely based on a very broad view of the authority of regional multilateral organizations to Act. that might permit the African Union to intervene in the Sudan, but it won't allow NATO or other regional organizations to Act.

This may be pie in the sky (but then so again is Bob Kagan's Concert of Democracies), but it seems to me that changing the membership of the permanent membership of the Security Council (add India, Germany and Japan) and replacing the veto with a supermajority requirement among the permanent members would ensure that a China or a Russia (or a united States!) could not unilaterally stop intervention when there is a strong consensus for action. The result would be that unilateral action would still be barred, but the international community would not be stymied when there is strong consensus for action.

Under my approach, intervention in Kosovo would likely had been authorized, but not in Iraq.

How could other peaceful nations have used the UN to stop the US from, say, attacking the legitimate government of Nicaragua by funding a proxy army?

Even the World Court ruled against Reagan's lawlessness, but Reagan simply continued to kill Nicaraguan civilians until a new government dropped the case.

So it's hard to see how the UN could possibly stop it when a strong and coherent US political establishment is committed to undertaking violent actions internationally.

What many ideological right-wingers don't realize is that if you want to get anything done on international policy (international trafficking in people, drugs and arms, nuclear non-proliferation, containing the spread of diseases) you need Russia and China on board with the US or you can't really see much success. You probably need countries like Brazil and India on board as well. The US is not omnipotent. Ironically, there is a bit of infighting among conservative intellectuals that is hidden from public view between actual regional experts and ideologues. For instance, James Lilley, former ambassador to China in the 1980's and now at AEI of all places, says we should engage China if we want to create successful global policies and prevent an unnecessary and brutal war with China. However, the Weekly Standard (according to Fukuyama) spent the 1990's trying to find an enemy abroad because doing so would help the Republicans' electoral chances. They chose China over radical Islam before 9/11. This is what was behind David Brooks's "national greatness conservatism." State Department hands have come forth and said the likes of Douglas Feith told them that knowing Arabic and being a regional expert on the Arab world would hurt their careers with Bush in charge. It's all for the party and purity, but nothing for reality.

"What many ideological right-wingers don't realize is that if you want to get anything done on international policy (international trafficking in people, drugs and arms, nuclear non-proliferation, containing the spread of diseases) you need Russia and China on board with the US or you can't really see much success."

Yes, I'm sure "ideological right-wingers" don't realize such things. If only they would, and if only they would be nice, all would be puppies and rainbows as the Russians and Chinese would be happy to go along. It's amazing "ideological right-wingers" have never had this cross their minds before.

Apparently some commentators believe that the only problem with the UN is that it occasionally doesn't fall in line with U.S. leaders' aims.

Yeah, why don't those filthy Russians and Chinese always go along with whatever crazed international violence the U.S.' current leadership wants to carry out? What's wrong with those nasty people?


Comments closed September 06, 2007.

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