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Posts About the Book Will Continue Until Every American Owns a Copy

10 Apr 2008 01:11 pm

My initial plan had been to say no more about James Kirchick’s review of Heads in the Sand, thinking that it might be too petty. But it’s been suggested to me that a response would be a good way to explain a little bit more to you, the reader, what Heads in the Sand is all about, rather than merely hectoring you about your deep moral obligation to buy a copy so here goes.

It’s a bit of a difficult review to wrestle with, because Kirchick likes to attributes views to me that I don’t hold. For example, he writes that “Yglesias cites careerism as the sole motive for liberals’ support for the Iraq War.” As Ezra Klein and some others who got early copies kindly pointed out, I argue no such thing. Instead, I say that three different kinds of ideas motivated liberal support for the war -- there was genuine concern about the security threat allegedly posed by Iraq, there was genuine enthusiasm about the alleged humanitarian benefits of war, and there was political opportunism -- with all three in play to various extents with regard to different people. I don’t really see this as a controversial view. More controversially (I suppose) the book then goes on to argue that the war has not, in fact, enhanced American security or brought about humanitarian benefits. And I further argue that the alleged political upside of indulging Bush’s premises on national security has been vastly overstated and that to prosper over the long run Democrats need to do the work of really challenging the post-9/11 conceptual framework he’s tried to foist on the country.

Another example. Kirchick writes:

He asserts that this brand of foreign policy—a “liberal internationalism” that places its hopes in multilateralism, international institutions, and a restrained role for the United States in international affairs —“was working well in the 1990s.” Never mind that NATO’s war against Serbia (which Yglesias says he supported) had to be undertaken without the blessing of the United Nations, or that most Democrats in Congress opposed the Persian Gulf War despite the large international coalition that waged it.

I think that you, the reader, are supposed to draw the conclusion that my book somehow misses the point that the Kosovo War, though garnering the support of 12 out of the 15 UN Security Council members could not secure UNSC approval due to Russian and Chinese vetoes. That would have been a been gaffe had I actually made it, but in fact I do discuss the legally questionable nature of Kosovo and its implications for the internationalist project. Similarly, I do write about congressional Democratic opposition to the Gulf War. In particular, I write that the political problems faced by Gulf War opponents helped bolster the idea that one ought, politically speaking, to always vote for war. I put forward the alternative view that voting for a smart war can be politically helpful, but that voting for a dumb war isn’t really so helpful and that the whole situation illustrates the impossibility of really looking at the politics of a war and peace question in isolation from the merits of the issue.

Eventually, though, Kirchick does come to a “never mind” on something I really do neglect in the book, namely “Nor does Yglesias mention the Rwandan genocide, a 100-day slaughter of nearly a million people that the U.N. did nothing to prevent.”

This, to me, is a perverse exercise in U.N.-blaming. You might as well say it was a 100 day slaughter that Brazil did nothing to prevent and therefore we should get rid of Brazil. The policy failure here happened in the national capitals of the relevant governments and there’s not one shed of evidence that undue deference to the U.N. was the cause of the failure. This does, however, illustrate one of the themes of the book, namely the habit of many on the right of offering up examples of international institutions’ shortcomings in bad faith. Did something bad happen in the world? Well, the U.N. should have stopped it! But it didn’t! So let’s get rid of the U.N.! The sensible liberal alternative, of course, is to keep doing the work of trying to improve institutions’ capacities to accomplish the kind of things we want to see accomplished. A broad international framework like the U.N. is the only one in which humanitarian interventions can have any real legitimacy and viability over the long term.

But then soon enough we get back to the distortions. Kirchick writes: “ He applauds the ridiculous Dennis Kucinich, who ‘was admirable in his ability to articulate a clear and coherent theory of foreign affairs” during the 2004 presidential election.’” In fact, I applaud Kucinich for articulating a clear theory and then attack him for having a bad theory in order to make the point that Democrats looking for a far-left foreign policy in 2004 had a candidate available to them, but in fact most chose Howard Dean, a man of much more sensible views.

It’s too bad Kirchick wasted so much time on this kind of nonsense (and there’s more nonsense I haven’t even mentioned) because near the end he gets to a real disaagreement saying “the trifecta of allegedly radical principle of the Bush Doctrine -- preemption, unilateralism, and hegemony -- are all, as historian John Lewis Gaddis has written, traditional elements in American foreign policy.” There’s something to this. The book argues that there have long been liberal and imperialist strains in America’s engagement with the world and that, precisely as Kirchick says, the Bush approach isn’t really all that new. What Bush has done, I think, is taken a set of ideas with a long track record of failure (from the Philippines to the Arbenz and Mossadegh coups to “rollback” fantasies of the 1950s to Vietnam, etc.) and raised them to a level of centrality they haven’t had in a long time. Worse, he’s done so at a time when the objective developments in the world (end of the Cold War, rise of transnational and untraditional threats) have made the internationalist project more vital and important than ever.

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Comments (43)

"the beatings will continue until morale improves"

can we just get a greatest hits post and skip the literary water-boarding?

MY:
Do you get paid the same as McMegan? I hope you get paid three times as much as she does. You post a lot more than she does. You get three times the traffic. You wrote a book to boot. You deserve respect!!

Your link to Kirchick's rant is broken.

Here is the correct link.

One more of these and we're going to start calling you "Jonah".

Do you get paid the same as McMegan?

I do not.

I hope you get paid three times as much as she does.

I really wish I did

You post a lot more than she does. You get three times the traffic.

I know!

You wrote a book to boot. You deserve respect!!

Word

Maybe you get Megan to review the book without having read it. It's her specialty.

She can tell you whether the public wants to read your book, or whether they prefer stories about puppies.

Matt you make all the nerds and the liberals and the liberal nerds proud.

You should mention that every copy has a secret compartment in the spine that contains a full ounce of pure, uncut heroin. That alone makes the book a fantastic deal.

It's certainly true that Bush's policy of exterminating hundreds of thousands of people --while singing "Onward, Christian Soldiers" -- has a long tradition in American politics.

Whether that tradition should continue given the spread of nuclear weapons technology is another issue.

It certainly makes Ted Hall (aka Theodore Alvin Holtzberg) look prescient. Ted --who along with Klaus Fuchs gave Stalin the design of the atomic bomb -- said he did so because if the US government had a monopoly on nuclear weapons , then it would inevitably turn half the globe into a pile of radioactive ashes. By inevitiably I think he meant "the first time the Republicans gained the White House".

For my money, the most ridiculous part of Kirchick's "book review" comes in a one-two punch right at the end.

The trifecta of allegedly radical principles of the Bush Doctrine—preemption, unilateralism, and hegemony...in some form are instinctively supported by the majority of Americans, who rightly view the alternative to American global supremacy as a frightening prospect...

...There are many words that one might use to describe Yglesias’s political outlook. “Liberal” and “internationalist” are not among them.

The clear implication here is that Kirchick believes "preemption, unilateralism, and hegemony" are more worthy of the name "liberal" than a rule-based framework that applies equally to all nations, and "American global supremacy" is more "internationalist" than support for strong international institutions.

Which is to say that Kirchick is a weasel of Orwellian proportions who wouldn't recognize intellectual honesty if it bit him on the ass.

Yglesias is jsut getting started -- he's got a few more books in him at least. McArdle was hired for the role she fills, not for anything she's liable to accomplish in the future. Doesn't matter what they're paid, it's not a comparison that should worry Matt any.

Success based on real accomplishments is a lot more durable (and satisfying!) than success based on posturing and connections and ideological quota-filling.

hmmmm....just received Nudge and H.I.T.S. in the mail today, which to start first.

"Maybe you get Megan to review the book without having read it. It's her specialty."

This book is very good, except it ignores one crucial thing: we need more free market policies. Now some don't consider me a libertarian, but I sort of am, I just don't care about privatizing the sidewalks as P.J. O'Rourke once said--plus I am very hard to categorize. In any case if Matt had thought more about collective action, and how it is collectivist, and less about the other stuff he talks about, and how the policies we have now are the result of utility maximization--how I love utility and it's maximazation--then it would have been a better book.

One of Kirchick's most hilarious -- and ,in my opinion, most dishonest --statements is when he says "Nor does Yglesias mention the Rwandan genocide, a 100-day slaughter of nearly a million people that the U.N. did nothing to prevent"
-----------
The implication that Bush, the Neocons, or the Republicans would have lifted the slightest finger to help the Rwandans is bullshit. Unless a huge reservior of oil was found under Rwanda, of course.

Witness Darfur.

Yes, as per Steven Donegal above, this is all just a shade too Jonah. I would say, Matthew, that you should let the book stand or fall on its own merits, or that it just isn't classy to get into arguments with people who review your book, but then on the other hand maybe the point of your book is to start an argument. Or maybe, as you hint in your joshing (not jonahing) way, the point of arguing about your book in multiple posts is to get more people to buy it. Or maybe the idea of not arguing with reviewers is pre-9/11 thinking. I don't know.

Yes, as per Steven Donegal above, this is all just a shade too Jonah. I would say, Matthew, that you should let the book stand or fall on its own merits, or that it just isn't classy to get into arguments with people who review your book, but then on the other hand maybe the point of your book is to start an argument. Or maybe, as you hint in your joshing (not jonahing) way, the point of arguing about your book in multiple posts is to get more people to buy it. Or maybe the idea of not arguing with reviewers is pre-9/11 thinking. I don't know.

So methinks I gots yer book confused with another one by this other pundit. I apologise to ye, Master Yglesias. After glancing through your post above, I'm guessin that yer book is more about fightin wars than the philosophica roots er fascism. If that actually is the case, an it's not some tract on density fer instance, then I gots to admit to bein a little bit hurt. Ol one eye knows a buttload about fightin wars, ye see, an he could have been a great resource to ye. I could er told ye the correct strategy fer destroyin Iraq (A job like that requires lots and lots er ships. We didn't use no where near enough Navy in Iraq) an I gots a really great plan fer destroyin Iran (a three week naval bombardment to soften them up, then we sail up the river an incinerate anythin left movin). So, like I says, Ol one Eye is a little bit hurt ye didn't ask fer his help. But... Ol one eye is a big boy, and he'll be fine. An if yerr next book is about war fightin, well then... I here fer ye, boy.

Isn't a large part of the point of writing a book to provoke dialogue? Isn't writing a book and then refusing to engage your critics rather arrogant? There are good and bad ways to respond to reviews, of course, but to ignore them completely seems bizarre.

Do you get paid the same as McMegan? I hope you get paid three times as much as she does.

Look, everyone knows that the payment rule of today's DC/NYC punditry is that the MORE stupid you are (or at least the more stupid you pretend to be, based on the things you say), the MORE you get paid. Just look at the career paths and compensation trajectories of so many DC/NYC political types and journalists.

Unfortunately, Matt's a pretty sharp young guy, and since he's probably guessed this rule by now, I suspect he's gradually trying to "reposition" himself so as to increase his personal cash-flow.

The implication that Bush, the Neocons, or the Republicans would have lifted the slightest finger to help the Rwandans is bullshit. Unless a huge reservior of oil was found under Rwanda, of course.

Witness Darfur.

There is oil in Sudan. China got there first is all.

I bought one already (damned slow free Amazon shipping, though). Enough with the hectoring!

It's a bit rich to hear Matthew complaining that someone is distorting his views - attributing views to him that he doesn't hold. After all, that's often what Matthew himself does (see, e.g., the 100 years war post).

But I like that Matthew responds. And at least it was civil and (mostly) substantively, as opposed to some other responses out there.

You should mention that every copy has a secret compartment in the spine that contains a full ounce of pure, uncut heroin. That alone makes the book a fantastic deal.
--alkali

No no no. A secret key which, combined with clues in the story, will reveal the location of $1 million in buried gold, somewhere in Iraq.

Kirchik says -- “Nor does Yglesias mention the Rwandan genocide, a 100-day slaughter of nearly a million people that the U.N. did nothing to prevent.”

Matt says -- "This, to me, is a perverse exercise in U.N.-blaming. You might as well say it was a 100 day slaughter that Brazil did nothing to prevent and therefore we should get rid of Brazil."

Except for one thing Matt -- read the UN charter. Brazil, qua Brazil, is not charged with the collective security of member states (nor with humanitarian interventions). The UN is - explicitly with the former (& you could make a strong case that Rwanda was not just an internal affair) and implicitly with the latter. Moreover, if you read what the general on the ground in Rwanda was gamely trying to do, you'd see that the UN is dysfunctional not only in its set up (ie, member state approval) but in the feebleness of the OSG in dealing with this situation. We may need the UN, but it has shown zero ability to deal with Rwanada, Yugoslavia, Lebanon or similar situations. Blaming it on Western capitals is only 1/2 right.

Re southpaw's comment "There is oil in Sudan. China got there first is all."
---------------
NOTE that I said "huge reservoir of oil".

However, let oil hit $150 per barrel and we will suddenly be hearing about our Christian duty to stop the Darfur genocide.

Al,

Stick to being empirically wrong in basketball threads. Nets suck.

One more of these and we're going to start calling you "Jonah".

Or "Andrew".

Actually, I've wondered if a LOT of political book sales are a form of money laundering/covert payoff.

IN the past, I've gotten several offers to buy one of Ann Coulter's NEWLY PUBLISHED books at HUGE discounts from something called Newsmax.com. This was around the time of release in the the stores. It made me wonder if some rich patron bought up a lot of copies to raise Ann up on the sales list and promote her message -- and then needed to dump the books at a loss.

And how did Bill Clinton earn $30 Million from his two books? By the time he left office, I had heard more than enough about him.

I'll admit I haven't made much effort to investigate the "Great Darfur Genocide", but I'm pretty sure it's just another neocon hoax, not too different from those WMDs.

The current civil war in Sudan, with all those endless different factions and tribes fighting each other, has been going on for something close to 35 years, since before poor Matt was even born. The somewhat similar civil war in neighboring Chad has been going on for roughly the same length of time. All these civil wars have had their ups and downs, but it's not clear to me that things today are that much different today than they were in (say) 1990.

But after the end of the Cold War, most of the news media heavily cut their Africa coverage, and since the Cold War was over, everybody stopped paying attention to places like Sudan and Chad, since we were no longer worried they'd be seized by the "Forces of International Communism".

Since they disappeared from the newspapers for a decade, people vaguely assumed they were peaceful and contented, even if they weren't.

Then, after our crazy Iraq War, all the usual liberal-activist suspects---Hollywood, university students, etc.---started protesting our crazy war, and all the people we were killing. So the neocons started looking around for another big "humanitarian cause" to distract them and focus their efforts away from Iraq. They hit upon the "genocide" being committed against Darfur's "innocent blacks" by Darfur's "evil Muslim Arabs", even though both sides are actually black, both sides are Muslim, and they look identical to outsiders. I vaguely recall it was Michael Horowitz, a third-rank neocon but one of the most mentally deranged, who came up with the scheme.

It worked! So now all the "humanitarian protests" are aimed at Darfur. But then the NYT describes the "horrors", they always say that 300,000 Darfur Africans are "at risk" of death, and that "300K at risk" phrase hasn't changed in several years, so the actual "genocide" must be slow in its pace. Offhand, I'd suspect that the civilian death toll in Iraq is something like 20-times higher for a comparable population. And absolutely no one paid any attention when something like 2M African civilians (allegedly) died in Congo's civil war.

Frankly, given today's world you could probably write a paragraph saying that 300M Africans are "at risk" of death throughout Africa, and just rerun it accurately every week without changing a word.

Admittedly, I'm no great Darfur/Sudan expert, and anyone who is should feel welcome to correct me.

I like the posts about the book. I ordered a copy, but won't be able to read it for a couple of weeks, so anything I read in the meantime will give the book extra meaning when I do get to it.

Also, since I enjoy this blog, I want the blog's owner to get compensated. That's why I suscribed to The Atlantic and to TAP (for Ezra).

"If we try in good faith but fail, we can fall HACK on what Stephen Walt has.."
----------

Ha ha ha ha. So Wiley's proofreader burned out and turned to booze, eh?

Ok, I'll get the book. Just so I can mock you cruelly here on the blog.

Although I think any book that has 10 Search hits on Kenneth Pollack but zero on "Haim Saban" and zero on "Rupert Murdoch" probably has its head buried somewhere other than in the sand.

And NO hits on Peretz. Poor Marty. The one thing worse than being ridiculed is to be ignored.
You have a mean steak, Matthew.

Reason,

Bullshit.

It wasn't the UN that was opposed to UN intervention in Rwanda. See, the UN has no money of its own. Nor does it have soldiers. Its budget is determined by... nations. Its ability to act is individually granted by... nations.

If the UN Security Council doesn't want UN action, there is no UN action.

Blaming the UN is ridiculous. It's like blaming the US Army for "choosing" not to stop the genocide in Darfur, and ignoring the fact that the US Army doesn't get to deploy anywhere it feels like.

The UN is an empty building, filled by its members, and a skeletal support staff. That's all there is. There's nothing else there.

Blame (along with the other global great powers) The United States of America.

Don, it's a good theory, but it's wrong. The Sudanese government are a terrible bunch of mass murderers. It's very hard to exaggerate. The civil war in Sudan was in South Sudan, and it went on for a very long time.

Darfur has not neccesarily been happy during that time, and I won't swear that there had never been violence there before the 2000 decade, but widespread mass killings did not begin until after the millenia. Darfur is not neocon agitprop.

It was the ending of the civil war in South Sudan, and the deal that worked out, that sparked the violent rebellion in Darfur - that sparked the genocidal response. It's a new problem to this decade.

If you want a pointless massacre in Africa that the Bush Administration helped create and is now pimping, look to Somalia. Darfur is legit. And while you can condemn Bush for not doing enough, he could have done less, too, and some other Republican probably would have.

Matt,

What distinguishes "liberal internationalism" from "imperialism of which Matthew Yglesias approves"?

Re glasnost's comment "Don, it's a good theory, but it's wrong....Darfur is legit. And while you can condemn Bush for not doing enough, he could have done less, too, and some other Republican probably would have."
--------------
1) I never said Darfur was not legit. You may be confusing me with RKU --see his post above.

2) My point is that Kirchik criticizes the non-Neocon UN for not doing anything about Rwanda genocide -- while the Neocons and Bush have done nothing about the Darfur genocide.

Instead, Bush and the Neocons mounted a massive invasion of Iraq --even though Saddam's killings had largely occurred 22 years earlier.

3) I think the evidence shows that Bush is motivated more by the opportunity to seize oil for Houston -- and that he uses humanitarian rationales as a deceitful cover.

He (and the Neocons ) have largely ignored the genocide in Darfur and have instead waged an unnecessary war in Iraq that has greatly increased the Iraqi death rate from what it was in 2002.

Saddam was a vicious dictator but he was not killing people in large numbers in 2002. He was in the 1980s but we had Donald Rumsfeld in Baghdad shaking Saddam's hand during the time that was occurring.

4) Yes, Bush and the Neocons shoot off their mouths about Darfur. But their ACTIONS have been practically nothing.

I'm not in favor of ordering US soldiers to sacrifice their lives in bloody GROUND WARS for humanitarian reasons. If I feel something needs to be done, I should be willing to pick up a rifle, go over and do it myself. Same goes for the Neocons.

5) However, these shitty little regimes have no air defenses and we can hit them hard while exposing our military to relatively low risks. We should tell the Sudan government to stop the massacres -- and that if they do not we will -- on a day of our choosing -- blow up the Sudan government's buildings. With the Sudan government in them.

Should we manage and control people on the other side of the world? No. But should we allow massive massacres to occur ? No

6) To argue that intervention to prevent genocide is the same as imperialistic war to promote predatory business agendas -- simply because both involve military methods -- is to accept deceitful Neocon sophistry.

glanost,

there seems to be a rule the these boards, when you have nothing to say, use a scatalogical salutation. I'll ignore yours.

You see, the UN does have a (large, if not mismanaged) budget, a large (if not mismanaged) staff and a large (if not mismanaged) bully pulpit. It's SG is elected for a term -- it's rare if not impossible to throw him out of office.

Given that Dutch UN "peace keepers" were dancing while innocent Muslim Bosnians were being shot at Srebenecia and given that a million Rwandans died and the UN was silent, I think they're morally culpable in some central way. Certainly, western government's culpability does not excuse the UN from doing what it can, even if it is using the bully pulpit.

Never mind my comment above about Amazon free shipping being slow - just got my grubby little hands on the book!

So I ordered a copy yesterday and it was at my doorstop this evening. That was, like, fast.

Reason,

The UN is not a federation with independent decision-making capabilities, nor is it an alliance with a centralized command structure, such as NATO. It is a forum for nations to meet and discuss problems of common concern, and which has limited powers to direct members towards certain goals, even military goals, when there is a consensus to do so. The consensus thing is required, though. Reforming the UN to make it somewhat stronger and independent of its veto-wielding member states might or might not be a good idea, but you can't really blame "the UN" for the slaughter in Rwanda - you have to blame the states that didn't take action there, since the UN is nothing more than a collection of free states. UN Security Council resolutions provide a kind of legitimacy to action by a state acting in the name of the UN since the consent of the five permanent members and a majority of rotating members of the security council is required for action, but the UN is not good at initiating such actions. Since the goal of the UN is usually to prevent war between states (a goal which it has been, come to think of it, very successful at) and not within states, the UN isn't really what you would look for to initiate an armed intervention in cases of supreme intrastate emergency such as genocide. A kind of global NATO might be better at this sort of thing, with the UN maintaining its role as a forum for the maintenance of peace between the big powers.

"Given that Dutch UN "peace keepers" were dancing while innocent Muslim Bosnians were being shot at Srebenecia and given that a million Rwandans died and the UN was silent, I think they're morally culpable in some central way. Certainly, western government's culpability does not excuse the UN from doing what it can, even if it is using the bully pulpit.

Posted by Reason | April 10, 2008 5:18 PM"

It wasn't New York that said "run away from the Serbs," it was the Dutch government that pulled their troops out. In Rwanda, the UNSC members didn't want to do anything, so nothing happened. In fact, part of the reason Annan became Secretary General (after about 5 ballots) was that he was seen by DC as being less likely to hector the US into doing things like intervening in Rwanda. We sent Albright to the UN with instructions to do nothing, which made her furious. As Stalin once said, how many troops does the Vatican have? The same could be said for when you start blaming the UN for member state's failures. The UN just becomes a convenient scapegoat behind which major powers can hide their failings.

A good response from Matt to what was clearly a disingenuous review determined to misrepresent the book as an unthinking dovish screed.

Now, I don't know how well Matt attests to the complexities of a comparison between NATO's intervention in Kosovo and the Iraq war in his book, as I haven’t read it, but a couple of points can be made to show there are several important factors which differentiate it from Iraq in substantive ways:

First of all, we know both conflicts operated in different timescales as goes a shock to the conscience. In Kosovo, we had, in fact, clearly contemporaneous acts of brutality and atrocity which were being carried out by FRY, which were happening on such a scale that clearly demanded an urgent response. That is not to trivialise the crimes that were committed in Iraq, but the timescale is completely different when you start looking at large scale of the loss of life or acts of aggression. This is important because NATO’s action can conceivably fit quite well within the nascent norms of humanitarian intervention, in ways that the Baathist’s worst crimes could not.

For further elaboration on this topic, please see Ken Roth’s excellent discussion on the failure of the Iraq War to meet the grounds of humanitarian intervention here:
http://www.hrw.org/wr2k4/3.htm

Next, it’s important to note that the Security Council issued a contemporaneous condemnation of FRY’s acts as a threat to the peace, unlike with Iraq, where it was the Coalition acting as both delegated arbiter and enforcer, hyping what we now know to be exaggerated and fictive threats to international peace and security with supposed hundreds of tons of chemical agents, aluminium tubes, Niger uranium, mobiles labs, and links to al Qaeda terrorists etc. This is a crucial point, at both an empirical and legal level. First, because replacing the Council’s role as an arbiter of international peace and security is outside what is permitted by the delegated model of collective security, which only admits the reality of state-directed command and control structure on the ground, in the absence of the formal military staff committee and permanent resources originally envisioned under the Charter. That gap only conceives some role for delegated enforcement, but it cannot constitutionally allow unilateral determination of threats to peace and security and Chapter VII responses together, which obviously makes a farce of the collective security regime.

Also, given the basically 100% failure rate of the threats offered by the Coalition that might have conceivably satisfied a hypothetical threat to international peace and security in the abstract, it’s obvious that even the marginal view that the Coalition could rely on the existing resolution’s Chapter VII powers cannot possibly sustain itself. The resolutions in question explicitly affirm the nexus between the threats to international peace and security, and the Chapter VII power, (in the context of Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait), and the centrality Council’s ongoing appraisal of disarmament obligations. Fact is, the Council’s role as arbiter was rejected by the Coalition when they pretended 1441 did not require ongoing UN ownership of the determination of Iraqi compliance, and chose to act even after they could not even muster a simple majority in the Council in support of a draft resolution explicitly providing the authorisation. We can contrast this with Kosovo, where the threat to international peace and security was not only obvious and accepted - but explicitly and formally accepted by the Council.

Finally, the overall need to reconcile the two interventions in a perfect way should not be exaggerated. The need is mitigated at least somewhat by the legal positions of the relevant parties. What is apparent about NATO’s action at the time, if you take the trouble to examine the relevant legal memoranda and travaux preparatoires, is that the justifications in support of that war were expressly limited to the unique circumstances of that time, and were expressed denied by all the relevant parties as providing a basis for precedent in further cases.

The unique justifications offered were as follows:
-failure of FRY to comply with Security Council demands under the Chapter VII
-the danger of imminent humanitarian disaster in Kosovo.
-the inability of the Council to make a clear decision of adequate to deal with the disaster.
-the serious threat to international peace and security posed by Serbian actions.

So, to now turn around and say the ambiguities of NATO’s action are a binary legitimation of Iraq is nonsense. We have pretty clear differences between the two.

A good response from Matt to what was clearly a disingenuous review determined to misrepresent the book as an unthinking dovish screed.

Now, I don't know how well Matt attests to the complexities of a comparison between NATO's intervention in Kosovo and the Iraq war in his book, as I haven’t read it, but a couple of points can be made to show there are several important factors which differentiate it from Iraq in substantive ways:

First of all, we know both conflicts operated in different timescales as goes a shock to the conscience. In Kosovo, we had, in fact, clearly contemporaneous acts of brutality and atrocity which were being carried out by FRY, which were happening on such a scale that clearly demanded an urgent response. That is not to trivialise the crimes that were committed in Iraq, but the timescale is completely different when you start looking at large scale of the loss of life or acts of aggression. This is important because NATO’s action can conceivably fit quite well within the nascent norms of humanitarian intervention, in ways that the Baathists' worst crimes could not.

For further elaboration on this topic, please see Ken Roth’s excellent discussion on the failure of the Iraq War to meet the grounds of humanitarian intervention here:
http://www.hrw.org/wr2k4/3.htm

Next, it’s important to note that the Security Council issued a contemporaneous condemnation of FRY’s acts as a threat to the peace, unlike with Iraq, where it was the Coalition acting as both delegated arbiter and enforcer, hyping what we now know to be exaggerated and fictive threats to international peace and security with supposed hundreds of tons of chemical agents, aluminium tubes, Niger uranium, mobiles labs, and links to al Qaeda terrorists etc. This is a crucial point, at both an empirical and legal level. First, because replacing the Council’s role as an arbiter of international peace and security is outside what is permitted by the delegated model of collective security, which only admits the reality of state-directed command and control structure on the ground, in the absence of the formal military staff committee and permanent resources originally envisioned under the Charter. That gap only conceives some role for delegated enforcement, but it cannot constitutionally allow unilateral determination of threats to peace and security and Chapter VII responses together, which obviously makes a farce of the collective security regime.

Also, given the basically 100% failure rate of the threats offered by the Coalition that might have conceivably satisfied a hypothetical threat to international peace and security in the abstract, it’s obvious that even the marginal view that the Coalition could rely on the existing resolution’s Chapter VII powers cannot possibly sustain itself. The resolutions in question explicitly affirm the nexus between the threats to international peace and security, and the Chapter VII power, (in the context of Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait), and the centrality Council’s ongoing appraisal of disarmament obligations. Fact is, the Council’s role as arbiter was rejected by the Coalition when they pretended 1441 did not require ongoing UN ownership of the determination of Iraqi compliance, and chose to act even after they could not even muster a simple majority in the Council in support of a draft resolution explicitly providing the authorisation. We can contrast this with Kosovo, where the threat to international peace and security was not only obvious and accepted - but explicitly and formally accepted by the Council.

Finally, the overall need to reconcile the two interventions in a perfect way should not be exaggerated. The need is mitigated at least somewhat by the legal positions of the relevant parties. What is apparent about NATO’s action at the time, if you take the trouble to examine the relevant legal memoranda and travaux preparatoires, is that the justifications in support of that war were expressly limited to the unique circumstances of that time, and were expressed denied by all the relevant parties as providing a basis for precedent in further cases.

The unique justifications offered were as follows:
-failure of FRY to comply with Security Council demands under the Chapter VII
-the danger of imminent humanitarian disaster in Kosovo.
-the inability of the Council to make a clear decision of adequate to deal with the disaster.
-the serious threat to international peace and security posed by Serbian actions.

So, to now turn around and say the ambiguities of NATO’s action are a binary legitimation of Iraq is nonsense. We have pretty clear differences between the two.

"Which is to say that Kirchick is a weasel of Orwellian proportions who wouldn't recognize intellectual honesty if it bit him on the ass."

Hey, that's good!

Just change "Kirchick" to "Robert Powell" and it's perfect.

OTOH, I didn't need Matt's long essay to determine that Kirchick's review was bullshit. Having read enough Matt blog posts, you could see everything Kirchick said about Matt was bullshit - well, except the part about Matt being a "partisan political commentator instead of a foreign policy analyst" which is correct. Everything else was crap, though, as I pointed out when the fake "MY" posted it in earlier threads.

Point of order on the oil in Sudan:

It isn't under Darfur.

Further, in order to get that oil to the rest of the world, the pipeline will go in the opposite direction from Darfur.

Also, the Chinese didn't "get there first". Every oil concession in Sudan has multiple partners. Some of them have a Chinese company as the lead, some of them have a French company leading, some of them are led by companies from other countries.


Comments closed April 24, 2008.

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